Today, Singapore marks its return to the Malaysian top leagues and historical Malaysia Cup. Many fans, including myself, have spoken to FAS president Zainudin Nordin, to return to Malaysian competitions in order to improve the state of local football. My joy to the eventual return couldn’t be any greater. I am overjoyed, I bought a pair of grandstand season tickets to watch the Lions Malaysian Super League games.

Unfortunately, this return has been criticized by many quarters of local fans, especially those who are supportive of the S-League. For many of them, this return is seen as a regressive step towards the development of Singapore football, as if to suggest that the neighbour’s football league is of a lower quality than ours.

The same set of fans certainly cannot decide if this experiment will succeed or blow up in the face of the FAS. It seems that some may be eager that we forget about Malaysia and refocus on our only professional football league to achieve greater heights.

I call this the Singaporean Malaysia Cup disconnect syndrome.

Historical Argument

It has been 17 years since Singapore left the Malaysia Cup, the oldest football tournament in Asia, of which Singapore played the first edition and defeated Selangor 2-1. It was the foundation of football in then-Malaya, where 2 bitter rivals would lock horns for the next 70 years.

For the majority of those years, Singapore, administered as part of the Straits Settlements together with Malacca and Penang, was part of the British Protectorate of Malaya, a territory which Singapore residents, were not alien to. The Malaysia Cup was conceived during a time when Singapore was never seen as another country, and our opponents were a state of the Malayan peninsula, who share the same struggles of colonialism as us.

One must understand that Malaysian state football associations are not clubs. They’re of the same status as the Football Association of Singapore. They administer football at the state level, many times bigger than the size of Singapore.

To imply that a country, the size of Singapore should not play in a league against teams in a state, many times our size would be arrogant and ignorant of the long history Singapore has had in the Malaysian competitions. That is why we’ve maintained friendly, competitive ties with our brothers across the international border, via the Sultan of Selangor Cup, and the Royal Malay Cup, a Malaysia Cup-like competition for state teams, of which Singapore is represented by the Singapore Malays Football Club, which we’ve dominated as much as Selangor as the competition shared players from the main squad.

Just because we have separated from Malaysia politically, does not mean we should sever all ties with our neighbours over differences between our governments. The Malaysia Cup was both a bond and rivalry that Malaysian states, former and current, share.

When we played in the Malaysia Cup, Singapore football was very exciting. People cared about grassroots football. The papers covered even the Semi-Professional Premier League, and constituency sports tournaments. We would go down to watch kampong football for free when our neighbors or family are representing their towns or clubs. There was even a competitive Business Houses league which FAS administered where local companies participated and old boys from the national team retired to playing for their employers.

This nostalgic, historical tournament was the lifeblood of the nation. It is not a foreign tournament. It has always been a part and parcel of our Singapore DNA. To refute that is akin to denying Singapore’s deep roots and history with Malaysia.

Quality Argument

Some fans suggest that returning to the Malaysia Cup is a regressive step. It doesn’t improve the national team. I feel that this premise is flawed. When Singapore was playing in the Malaysian tournaments, the team played high-impact matches regularly. The team was kept together for many seasons. This was what gave the Singapore team match fitness when it participated in international tournaments. This was also what both Malaysia and Singapore have been doing by keeping the youth squads compete in a league for several seasons to improve their football.

The LionsXII is mostly an under-23 side. It is a developmental team, and the same line of argument applies. It will improve the match fitness of these players.

These fans argue that the way to improve our national team is by improving the S-League, and that going back to the Malaysia Cup is sending the wrong signal by ignoring our local league. I feel that these fans have forgotten that it is a 2-way deal. The Malaysian Harimau Muda, the u-23 national team, who are the current 2-time back to back SEA Games Champion, that also forms the bulk of the current AFF Cup winning squad is participating in the S-League. I don’t think that this is ignoring the local league. I find this argument puzzling when the FAS has increased the number of teams playing and included 2 neighbouring teams which are proven quality.

Because of the Malaysia Cup buzz surrounding the LionsXII, the Harimau Muda is certain to pull in the crowds for the S-League especially against established clubs like Geylang United, Tampines Rovers, and even the Courts Young Lions.

Conclusion

The Malaysia Cup Disconnect Syndrome exists due to the long hiatus of Singapore from its original motherland. Leaving the Malaysia Cup abruptly, with an arrogant mind to build a premature S-League was a poorly conceived one. Especially when the Asian Financial Crisis took its toll in local football resulting in a mass exodus of talent driven away by unachieved expectations and prolonged low wages.

With its re-entry, Singapore football would only improve. We cannot do this alone. If we are to make it some day to the World Cup, Singapore must realize that it’s neighbours can help them and we should create a win-win situation like the new government of both nations have in recent years to achieve a long-lasting, mutually beneficial bilateral relationship, burying old prejudices and arguments, and building a new Malaysia and Singapore of the future.

Majulah!

I am not someone who typically blogs about my personal life, and if anything, my most mentionable public displays of affection are on Facebook, where if anything, the perspectives are private. I am someone deeply driven by love. I do things because I love doing them. And most of all, because I am in love.

Those who know me, especially my siblings, would know the destructive nature when my heart was crushed before, many years back. It took a long time coming for me to find the one true love who has captured my heart 4 years back. And despite the trials and tribulations we have faced together, of the many challengers for her or me that came by, eventually, we always stay together.

Each one that came was a bigger test than the last. And I let Allah decide if this was for me. When I was astray, I know that she had every reason to leave me. Very good reasons to, and at the end of the day, she still came back. It was my last test and I have tempted fate at least 3 times just to ensure that this is what Allah has in store for me.

Every time, she came back.

It was then that I realised, and felt his blessings and grace, that this is what He has chosen for me. I want her, I really do. I love her extremely. And I took the courage to tempt fate, at the risk of a broken heart, and she came back.

When faced with challenges that I did not create and control, I persevered for her. She asked me to promise that I would. And yet, despite the challengers that had the audacity to challenge my fate with her, she still chose me.

Sayang, I dedicate this to you.

Mohabbatein of a star and her sky

4 summers ago, a breath of fresh air whizzed past
The branches rustle and the birds sing
It made me smile alas
And my heart a-glowing

If I could describe how I feel
Or figure what made me love her
I can only say that it was God’s will
That joined us together

An unexpected twist of fate,
God willed and I took it by the scruff
Finally finding my soulmate
Someone I want who reciprocated my love

You, my joy who made me tear
Whose fragance like milk and frangipani
Your heart I conquer
The desire of men a-many

4 summers long, I spent with you
Alive my senses feel
Your love for me forever true
No man shall ever steal

Jaan. Your heart cures when I’m here
Joy together. Miserable apart.
Praise Allah, the Creator
Alhamdulillah for the Mohabbat

My children who will one day read this. When you grow up, remember how much I love your mother and how much she loves me. Never find someone whose love cannot match the one I hold for your mother. And love as much as your mother does for me.

There’s this feeling of anxiety knowing that some of the best years of your youth are about to pass, knowing that there are some things in life you’ve yet to accomplish. Like getting a degree. Having spent the past 41 months with my true love, I only feel like I’m 22 in spirit. My physique would remind me that I’m in an effective state of dreaming. I feel so young, yet the man in the mirror has gone through much of life trials and tribulations a person nearing 30 could imagine to endeavour. For one, I am still serious about full-time studies, some time much later in life. The degree is something I really want, and I know that I can only do it if I commit to it seriously, full-time.

For now, my thoughts are on more immediate goals. Having achieved a sense of fiscal experience, I’m more interested to find some stability in the coffers. It’s been a good 3 years earning more than I ever did when I was a coolie, but now, that journey needs some kind of grounding and I will have to start growing. Perhaps that might bring me to a job I love to do. I really hope the opportunity I am seeking would be the answer to my prayers. Insya Allah, I can only pray for the best and prepare for the worst.

At 28, I ran a business full-time for 3 years, in total for 5 years; kept it in the black, and achieved status and branding in the relevant industries that I’ve made my presence in. For the most part of the 2nd decade of my life, that is my crowning achievement. In the next decade, I hope to be a good husband and father, and the next after that, by being a good student.

I’m going through life in reverse. No wonder I feel younger. Perhaps there’s nothing to be anxious about Benjamin Button.

This is an entry I had intended to write much earlier during the public spat between Lee Kuan Yew and Mahathir Muhammad after Lee commented how Malaysia’s race relations could be better if Singapore was not turfed out. Mahathir responded on his blog suggesting that the real racist is Lee. I only had time to write it now. In this entry, I intend to discuss the issue of Singapore’s meritocracy and the PAP’s Malaysian Malaysia when the party was active during Singapore’s membership in the Federation and UMNO’s affirmative action policies.

Singapore’s hypocrisy on governance

When Singaporeans pushed for more democratic reforms, Lee and his PAP has always said that you cannot run Singapore like other countries. “We have a unique racial mix and special situation”  and “we’ll slide into racial unrest” would be the common phrase heard to justify our self-styled “Asian Values” as opposed to “Western Democracy”.

I would then like to use the same argument, that you could not run Malaysia like you run Singapore. Theirs is a country with a similar yet wider racial mix, but with different proportions which justifies its own special situation and Singapore-style “meritocracy” would have served to undo their progressing race relations.

If anything, Lee chooses to be selective when other countries criticise Singapore’s autocracy, versus his criticism of Malaysia as an inferior government. Lee tells the rest of the world that other countries have no right to tell Singapore how they should govern themselves despite doing the same thing with Malaysia.

Malay Nationalism, Communism and fears of the Malay native and his indigenous right

Like other anti-colonial movements in the East, Malay Nationalism rose to prominence after World War 2. It hit fever pitch when the British, in an effort to consolidate its wealth on Malay soil, created the Malayan Union which united the Federated Malay States, the Unfederated Malay States and the Straits Settlements (which included Singapore) and removed the Malay sultans and rulers from power, installing a British Governor as the head of state. This evoked fierce opposition from all communities in Malaya especially from the Malays who were indigenous in the peninsula. Malays were sensitised to British injustice throughout its commonwealth and those formerly belonging to the crown. Malays saw similarities between them and Native Americans and Australian Aborigines where their ancestral land was taken away from them leaving the indigenous communities poor and helpless. It was through Malay Nationalism that gave the Malays the determination not to be usurped like those communities by what they viewed as colonial injustice and racism.

The Cold War brought with it new challenges to British influence in the Malay peninsula. Communism was winning wars in the Far East, and the existence of a large Chinese diaspora in Malaya culminated in the Chinese-influenced Malayan Communist Party during Japanese Occupation. During the backlash against the Malayan Union in 1946, the Malayans of all people were in unison against the colonial master. UMNO was created to galvanise Malay support and fueled nationalist fervour. Whereas non-Malays who view Malaya as their home, also galvanised the people through both ethnic (Malayan Chinese Association and Malayan Indian Congress) and non-ethnic based parties. Equally dominant in post-WW2 Malayan politics were the Malayan Communist Party, who were part of the PUTERA-AMCJA alliance to counter the eventual Federation of Malaya which the British invented to prevent the Malayan Communist Party from coming to power that would cause unrepairable damage to Britian’s commonwealth economy. In effect, the Federation of Malaya in 1948 was a treaty between the Malay rulers and the British that rewarded protection of British interests with the resumption of Malay royal rule and the exclusive citizenship of the territory to ethnic Malays. The British played on the fear of foreign domination on the Malay laymen and  made Communist influence tied to the Chinese community even though there were Malays involved in the Communist Party. Distrust towards communist ambitions and China’s influence over the MCP were sewn and linking of Chinese nationalism with communism fanned negative sentiments towards the community. Interestingly, the British eventually made communism unfavourable to the Chinese community with their concentration camp-like tactics during the 10 year Emergency against Chin Peng’s MCP.

Upon independence, UMNO recognised the importance of all communities and seeked an alliance with the MCA and the MIC for the nation’s first elections. The Alliance was brought to power in 1957, and UMNO, with the agreement of the MCA and MIC awarded full citizenship to all non-Malays for the support towards UMNO and its partners. Nationalist policies were later introduced, emphasising the Malay nature of the state and Islam as the state religion. By the time Singapore entered the Federation, these nationalist polices were entrenched and during Lee’s tenure in the Dewan Rakyat the members of parliament were debating the issue of Malay as the national language. Lee, in his memoirs admitted his acceptance of special Malay rights. However, he refused to accept Malay nationalist policies to shape the new Malaysian nation. He advocated non-communal policies to govern the nation and equated Malay nationalists as ultras or racist. The PAP had introduced the Malaysian Malaysia political campaign and contrasted against Malay Nationalism made it (Malay Nationalism) look like racism. Upon separation, Malaysian Malaysia became a dirty word for the attack on Malay Nationalism and its significance to the Malay community.

Malaysia’s Affirmative Action to uplift economic capacity of Malays without reducing absolute wealth of other communities

No one wants to be poor and Malaysia’s nationalist government sought to uplift the economic standards of the Malays through Affirmative Action without decreasing non-Malay wealth. UMNO often used the general fact that most Malays were poor and that most Chinese were richer in comparison to justify the introduction of Affirmative Action policies in order to create an economic balance that generates inter-ethnic confidence. The reason behind the Malay’s abject poverty was due to the centuries-old injustices of colonialism towards Malaya’s indigenous community resulting in the eventual wealth of the newly independent nation to be disproportionate. The British branding of agricultural activity, the Malay’s staple, as a lazy job versus labouring in tin mines, plantations and ports had much to do with the phenomenon. Colonial anthropological categorisation of native Malays as laid back and void of economic hunger due to general refusal to work in British commercial pursuits as general workers influenced British policies towards the Malays. In order to grow economic wealth in their colony, the British imported foreign workers from China and India to work for them as coolies and soldiers. In the padi fields, Malays are their own bosses. Why should any Malay farmer want to degrade their social status and be a coolie?

The general refusal was not an indication of rejecting hard work. Agriculture is a lot of hard work and there is nothing lazy about it. Compared to a comfortable office job, agriculture is certainly a back-breaking economic activity.

Apart from foreign labourers, traders from China, the Indian sub-continent and the Middle-East came to the peninsula for business with the British. The point of British presence in the Malay world was to have control of an alternative Silk Road by way of sea. The increase of Chinese wealth was ultimately due to British interest in Chinese goods and Chinese towkays obviously employed Chinese coolies.

The British also wanted to control agriculture. These were in the form of palm oil plantations, rubber plantations and tea plantations and the Malays were denied participation in the industry, only limited to being labourers in those plantations. None of them could be their own towkays in British-reserved plantations. Malay agricultural activity was in effect, restricted to padi fields. Farming was largely a family activity and farming communities had  large families to increase labour head count and improve yield. Farm children were denied education or lacked basic education and reserved rice yields was a form of tax to the Malay royal family. The balance was inadequate for sustainable profit and the future of Malay peasantry came to be in jeopardy in the modern, independent Malaysia of the future.

Malaysia’s Affirmative Action covered education, economy and land rights and was purposed to uplift the nation’s poor, who were mostly Malays, to self-respecting levels. The community was encouraged to participate in non-agricultural business without abandoning agricultural activity and earned opportunities in public sector projects to grow the nation’s infrastructure and wealth.

In spite of this, non-Malay wealth grew in absolute terms during much of the New Economic Policy (NEP). Sustaining non-Malay economic growth resulted in working class non-Malay unemployment, affecting mostly Indians as most were formerly colonial civil servant families who earned meagre pay. The Indian community’s wealth were controlled by a minority of Indian families and their wealth also grew during this period. The sidelining of the Indian community’s working class could be the cause of displeasure towards the MIC in recent times. Generally however, non-Malay economic participation is still strong, especially the Chinese community.

Affirmative Action, NEP and Malay Nationalism is not racism. But Malaysia’s future will depend on a natural progress towards a common non-ethnic nationalism to bring Malaysia forward so that its society may be more fairer to all.

Singapore’s meritocracy system and its blind-spots.

PAP-controlled Singapore was based on the ideology of ethnic equality, politically and economically. PAP viewed that their form of non-communal politics would make non-Malays equal to Malays politically. However, it gave recognition of the economic inequality of the Malays. Article 152 of Singapore’s constitution makes the Singapore government responsible for the development and protection of the Malay’s religion, education and economy. Despite this, it views that Affirmative Action was not suitable with PAP’s meritocratic ideals.

In meritocracy, you deserve what you get. This is a cruel fact for those who do not achieve within Singapore’s meritocratic system. Although Malays are on an equal platform with non-Malays, they never started from the same starting point. As the Malay community was economically handicapped, the perception that Malays deserved what they get still persist and is tied to fantasised ideas of a Malay cultural deficit perpetuated by both former Prime Ministers Mahathir Muhammad and Lee Kuan Yew.

To achieve meritocracy while balancing UMNO’s legacy in Singapore’s constitution meant creating government-sanctioned vehicles to release government from the actual responsibility of the special rights of the Malays. In reality, the Mendaki Act and AMLA passes the responsibility back to the Malay community, although steered by elected Malay MPs, giving the illusion that the Singapore government upholds special Malay rights in Article 152. The truth is, funds do not come from the government, but contributed by the Malay community through compulsory small deductions from their salary (usually below S$10). As Malays were mostly from the working class, funds and resources to uplift the Malay community were severely limited. However, in the early years, Singapore’s government provided free education to the Malays until the 1990s when Abdullah Tarmugi, then Minister-in-Charge of Muslim Affairs, decided to remove the favour to force Malays to take responsibility of their future. The policy was largely unpopular within the Malay community who were slowly building their economic standing to be equal with other communities forming a young Malay middle class, as it was seen as a repulsion to the government’s constitutional responsibility.

Due to the non-advanced starting point of the Malays in post-independent Malaysia and Singapore, the PAP policy of meritocracy, though well-meant, caused working class Malays to not have an equal advantage with other communities within the PAP strategy of educational upliftment for the Malays. While existing Chinese communities had wealth of resources within the self-help framework, Malay progress was limited. However, the Malay economic pie also grew in absolute terms although not impressive by any means. Malay contribution to GDP and Malay performance in national examinations remain below average to this day.

Meritocracy in principle is not a racist ideology. But the government’s inconsistency in creating ethnic-based policies that inadvertently generate racial silos in Singapore life, harm Singapore’s meritocratic ideals. Coupled with a Darwinian approach to national progress which one may find uncanny to British colonial administration of the territory, and the influx of foreign workers and talents, Singapore citizens, now with a firmer national identity, find themselves in the same spot as their former Malaysian brothers in 1963.

Meritocracy and Affirmative Action versus Citizen’s aspirations

Meritocracy and Affirmative Action served the needs of respective ruling governments in the two territories during much of the early years of independence, improving the living standards of the people of both nations. However, as the economic standards of both citizens have changed, so too do citizen’s aspirations of a better life in their country. The governments of both territories could do well learning from each other, instead of ranting about the lost battles of past, and focus on the well-being of the nation’s future.

If they don’t, their grip on power will definitely loosen and eventually the incumbents will be unseated by a force more willing to meet the people’s aspirations of a better and fairer life for all citizens within the two territories.

The recent improving relations between the two sister nations should not only be fuelled by a common political agenda by the two governing parties, but also by a  common cross-border citizen’s participation in their shared and neighbouring societies.

“There is nothing to prevent you from pushing your propaganda, to push your programme out to the students or with the public at large…and if you can carry the ground, if you are right, you win. That’s democracy.”
- Lee Kuan Yew telling students to form political parties, Straits Times, Feb 1, 2005

“Please do not assume that you can change governments. Young people don’t understand this”
- Lee Kuan Yew on the results of the 2006 elections